It then traces the development of the Romanian identity narrative, from its formative years in the nineteenth century to contemporary times, arguing that the sedimentation of its main features is linked to the consistency of its historical narrative.
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Phase four: The therapeutic ethos of identity politics.
There is method in this madness. In Maoist theory, knowledge is a fusion of experience, which comes from the masses, and rational theory, which comes from the vanguard (Mao, On Practice). In practice, this meant that knowledge emerging from mass meetings, denunciation campaigns, speak-bitterness campaigns, and so on was systematised and reprocessed by the Party into the Mass Line, which was presented as the unmediated experience of the masses. Disagreements within the movement are “resolved by the method of criticism and self-criticism” (Mao, On Contradiction). In practice this meant denunciation and self-denunciation. During the Cultural Revolution, different Maoist factions began denouncing each other as “objectively counter-revolutionary,” as part of a competition for resources. Elements of both of these approaches can be seen in the actions of IPs, the former as an insistence on leadership by members of a particular group (Black, women, etc), the latter in the distribution of prestige to allies based on conspicuous self-abasement and political performance.
The Problem of Identity Politics and Its Solution …
An exemplary conflict within the identity politics of sexualityfocuses on the expansion of gay and lesbian organizing to those withother queer affiliations, especially bisexual and transgenderedactivists. Skepticism about inclusion of these groups inorganizational mandates, community centers, parades, and festivals hasorigins in more traditional understandings of identity politics thatsee reclaiming lesbian and/or gay identity from its corruption in ahomophobic society as a task compromised by those whose identities areread as diluted, treacherous, ambiguous, or peripheral. Some lesbianfeminist critiques of transgender, for example, see male-to-femaletranssexuals in particular as male infiltrators of women's space,individuals so intent on denying their male privilege that they willmodify their bodies and attempt to pass as women to do it; bisexualwomen dabble in lesbian life, but flee to straight privilege whenoccasion demands (see Heyes 2003 for references and discussion). Thesearguments have been challenged in turn by writers who see them asattempts to justify purity of identity that merely replace the oldexclusions with new dictatorships (Stone 1991; Lugones 1994) and inhibitcoalitional organizing against conservative foes.
Identity Theory | Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy
More recent scholarship challenges the politics of recognition fromother directions. For example, Glen Coulthard argues that the shift incolonial state-indigenous relations in present-day Canada fromunabashed assimilationism to demands for mutual recognition(especially of cultural distinctiveness) cannot be an adequatedecolonization strategy. Reading the intellectual history of thepolitics of recognition through Hegel to Sartre to Fanon to Benhabib,Coulthard argues that this discourse is a reiteration (and sometimes acover-up) of the patriarchal, racist, and colonial relations betweenindigenous people and the Canadian state that it purports toameliorate. Instead, he defends a paradigm of critical indigenousresurgence that draws on cultural history and economic practices thatare neither essentialized nor romanticized, but that also do not reston concession-oriented relation building with the existing Canadianstate (2014).