Regardless of the complexity of such a phenomenon, as displayed in , within this specific strand of research only few studies took into consideration the multidimensionality of political participation, with most investigations exhibiting an inclination, often found in academia, towards generalisation rather than specification. A distinction has been often made between off-line and online participation (e.g., Boulianne, 2009; Jennings and Zeitner, 2003), or between traditional and non-traditional participation (e.g., Kruikemeier, et al., 2013; Schlozman, et al., 2010; Towner, 2013). However, in most cases, the differences between the considered activities are not taken into account when assessing the contributions of digital technologies. The limitations of such an approach appear evident when looking at investigations which did the opposite. These studies, in fact, highlighted that the impact of the Internet and SNSs varied in relation to different political activities. For instance, Kavanaugh, et al. (2008) showed that citizens with medium/low levels of political engagement participated much less than politically active citizens in online formal political activities such as contacting public officials or contributing campaign donations. However, both groups displayed similar levels of participation with regards to news consumption or political discussion. Nisbet and Scheufele (2004) also emphasised how the effects of the Internet on political participation change in relation to the various political activities. They found that Internet usage had a limited impact on campaign participation while it was positively related to the exposure and consumption of campaign information. In line with the communication/mobilisation distinction adopted in this paper, Gibson and Cantijoch (2013) identified two dimensions of political participation: participation and passive engagement. The first encompasses six modes of participation (i.e., voting, party/campaign activities, protest activities, contacting, communal and consumerism) while the second dimension includes three modes of participation (i.e., news attention, discussion, expressive activities). They proved that off-line activities falling within the first dimension were replicated online, whereas with regards to more passive modes of engagement new forms of participation emerged. Vaccari (2012) also emphasised the risks of oversimplification associated with a one-size-fits-all approach and, in relation to the links between off-line and online participation, showed that individuals involved in more demanding off-line forms of participation such as attending rallies engaged in similar activities also online, while people limiting their engagement to the consumption of political information on mass media replaced, at least partially, TV with online sources.
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There are two problems with this approach. If policy-makers are divorced from those who will have to put the policies into effect the results will be unrealistic and uninformed by the requirements of implementation, and when these policies result in failure, the electorate will not know whom to blame. But accountability is already unsatisfactory in both the United States and Britain, in spite of the differing extent to which the separation of powers is embodied in their respective institutional structures. In the United States the President blames Congress for failing to legislate his programmes, and Congress blames the President for failing to implement legislation effectively. In Britain, as we have seen, the close alliance of government ministers and government members of the House of Commons makes effective control impossible. Thus what is required is a clear and open procedure for taking policy decisions so that responsibility can be unambiguously allocated. For this reason it is essential that the “policy branch” consults the “administration” before proposing legislation, obtains its views in writing, and is required to publish them with all draft legislation. It would be a mark of the existence of a mature society that policy decisions, other than those affecting foreign affairs and defence, should be taken only after public scrutiny of all the considerations involved, including the opinions of those administrators who would be charged with the implementation of the policy and who would have the independence that would evoke an honest opinion.
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They went to Henry Ford and asked for $7.5 million of his money to be subordinated deposits he wouldn't withdraw to give the cash to the banks; and then went to the other companies--Hudson Motors, Chrysler, General Motors, to come up with $4.5 million.